Human security and the rise of the social

As the concept of human security has become part of the mainstream discourse of international politics it should be no surprise that both realist and critical approaches to international theory have found the agenda wanting. This article seeks to go beyond both the realist and biopolitical critiques by situating all three – political realism, biopolitics and human security – within the history and theory of the modern rise of the social realm from late eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe. Human security is the further expansion of social forms of governance under capitalism, more specifically a form of socialpolitik than realpolitik or biopolitics. Drawing on the work of historical sociologist Robert Castel and political theorist Hannah Arendt, the article develops an alternative framework with which to question the extent to which ‘life’ has become the subject of global intervention through the human security agenda

Tradition, Authority and Dialogue: Arendt and Alexander on Education

In this paper I discuss two attempts to challenge mainstream liberal education, by Hannah Arendt and by contemporary Israeli philosopher Hanan Alexander. Arendt and Alexander both identify problems in liberal-secular modern politics and present alternatives based on reconnecting politics and education to tradition. I analyze their positions and bring them into a dialogue that suggests a complex conception of education that avoids many of the pitfalls of modern liberal thought. First, I outline Arendt and Alexander’s educational views and discuss their similarities, arguing that both may be understood as opposed to the modern attempt to adopt a «view from nowhere» at the world. Next, I suggest that Alexander’s view may benefit from adopting Arendt’s conceptions of tradition and authority. In the consecutive section, I argue that Alexander sheds light on significant problems in Arendt’s approach to education, problems his understanding of critical dialogue can help solve. The succeeding section joins the two views together to form an approach I call «critical traditionalism», and examines it against prevailing approaches to political education. I conclude by pointing to an important point overlooked by both Arendt and Alexander, namely the need for internal political struggle within each tradition

Beyond Strauss, lies, and the war in Iraq: Hannah Arendt's critique of neoconservatism

What are we to make of the neoconservative challenge to traditional international thought? Should we content ourselves, as many have done, to return to classical realism in response? Rather than offer another realist assessment of neoconservative foreign policy this article turns to Hannah Arendt. In a very different language, Arendt articulated a critique of the dangers of moralism in the political realm that avoids realist cynicism. She is also better placed to challenge the neoconservative vision of international affairs, ideological conviction, and their relationship to democratic society. Reading Arendt against Leo Strauss suggests that the fundamental problem with neoconservative ideology concerns its understanding of the place of philosophy in the public realm, the relationship between political thought and practice, ideas and action. She suggests why neoconservatives may be experts at selling wars but seem less adept at winning them

Diffusion determines the recurrent graph

We consider diffusion on discrete measure spaces as encoded by Markovian semigroups arising from weighted graphs. We study whether the graph is uniquely determined if the diffusion is given up to order isomorphism. If the graph is recurrent then the complete graph structure and the measure space are determined (up to an overall scaling). As shown by counterexamples this result is optimal. Without the recurrence assumption, the graph still turns out to be determined in the case of normalized diffusion on graphs with standard weights and in the case of arbitrary graphs over spaces in which each point has the same mass. These investigations provide discrete counterparts to studies of diffusion on Euclidean domains and manifolds initiated by Arendt and continued by Arendt/Biegert/ter Elst and Arendt/ter Elst. A crucial step in our considerations shows that order isomorphisms are actually unitary maps (up to a scaling) in our context.Comment: 30 page

Hannah Arendt as a Theorist of International Criminal Law

This paper examines Hannah Arendt\u27s contributions as a theorist of international criminal law. It draws mostly on Eichmann in Jerusalem, particularly its epilogue, but also on Arendt\u27s correspondence, her writings from the 1940s on Jewish politics, and portions of The Human Condition and her essays. The paper focuses on four issues: (1) Arendt\u27s conception of international crimes as universal offenses against humanity, and the implications she draws for theories of criminal jurisdiction; (2) her performative theory of group identity as acts of political affiliation and disaffiliation, from which follows a radically different account of the crime of genocide than that of Raphael Lemkin; (3) the banality of evil, and its relation to legal conceptions of mens rea; and (4) her ultimately inconclusive assessment of law\u27s capacity to confront the radically unprecedented crimes of regimes that are themselves criminal, and which systematically invert the values necessary to distinguish legal rules from exceptions. The essay was written for a symposium on women and international criminal law in honor of Judge Patricia Wald

La radicalidad del mal banal

El concepto de ‘banalidad del mal’ fue introducido por Hannah Arendt a fin de caracterizar una forma inédita de perversidad que ella vio encarnada en Adolf Eichmann y otros criminales nazis. Arendt consideraba que esa forma de perversidad estaba muy alejada de la noción de ‘mal radical’ que Kant había acuñado y la propia Arendt había empleado en trabajos anteriores. El objetivo principal del artículo es mostrar que hay más afinidades entre el mal radical kantiano y la banalidad del mal de lo que la propia Arendt reconoce.‘Banality of evil’ was a concept introduced by Hannah Arendt in order to characterize a new form of wickedness embodied in people as Adolf Eichmann and others nazis criminals. Arendt thougt that this perverseness was very awey from the one of ‘radical evil’, a notion built by Kant and employed by Arendt herself in former works. This article seeks to point out that concepts of radical evil and banality of evil are closer than Arendt [email protected]

The real promise of federalism: A case study of Arendt’s international thought

For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the bur..

Solar Response to Luminosity Variations

The connection between solar luminosity and magnetic fields is now well-established. Magnetic fields under the guise of sunspots and faculae enhance or suppress heat transfer through the solar surface, leading to changes in the total solar luminosity. This raises the question of the effect that such surface heat transfer perturbations have on the internal structure of the sun. The problem has been considered previously by Foukal and Spruit. Here, researchers generalize the calculation of Spruit, removing the assumption of a constant heat diffusivity coefficient by treating the full mixing length heat transfer expression. Further, they treat the surface conditions in a simpler manner, and show that the previous conclusions of Foukal and Spruit are unaffected by these modifications. The model shows that following the application of a step function emissivity change: a fraction 1 - D(sub 0) of the luminosity change relaxes away after approx. 50 days. This corresponds to the thermal diffusion time across the convection zone, adjusting to a value in correspondence with the surface change. In other words, the whole convection zone feels the perturbation on this timescale. The remaining fraction relaxes away on a timescale of 10 to the 5th power years, corresponding to the convective layer radiating away enough energy so that it can adjust to its new adiabat. These are the same results arrived at by Spruit and Foukal. For variations of sigma on timescales of 10 to 200 years, then, the only important relaxation is the 50 day one. If the amplitude of this relaxation is small, the luminosity follows the sigma variation

Nach dem Tod von Wisława Szymborska

There are many treatises concerning the soul. Plato was not the first to write on the subject. From Greek philosophy and religion the soul wandered over to Christianity. According to this religion, the soul accompanies the body, which it inhabits for a short while in order to then return to its primary homeland embodied in areas of primary existence and truth. There are many treatises concerning the soul. Plato was not the first to write on the subject. Wisława Szymborska, in her collection of poems published in 2002 and titled A Moment, poses the most essential questions: Why does man exist? Why isn’t there nothingness? She also asks: What is the soul? Does man really possess a soul? What is the relationship between man and soul – to whom does the soul really belong? This is a treatise in the form of a poem which appears to be plain and modest, yet the questions it asks are fundamental. This interpretation aims to develop and translate from the language of poetry the religious and philosophical questions embraced by Szymborska’s poem

Hannah Arendt and the Negro Question

Kathryn Gines's book details Hannah Arendt 's racial and conceptual biases against Black people in the US and post-colonial Africa. Gines makes original and significant contributions to feminist philosophy by applying various feminist and anticolonial strategies, including standpoint theory and multidirectionality, to Arendt 's political essays and concepts. Feminist critiques of Arendt in general and racial critiques of "Reflections on Little Rock" in particular are not new; however, Hannah Arendt and the Negro Question offers a novel and comprehensive racial critique of Arendt 's major writings. Gines offers a "sustained analysis of Arendt 's treatment of the Black experience in the United States", as well as racial violence within the contexts of the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions, and French and British imperialism and colonialism. In this review I will offer an overview of the book as a whole, before evaluating the extent of Gines's critique as it pertains to Arendt 's misguided judgments and her theory of judgment